Topic 4 Religion, renewal and choice

New forms of religion

Some sociologists reject the secularisation thesis that religion is undergoing an inevitable decline in modern Western society. Instead they argue that while some aspects of traditional religion are in decline new forms are emerging.

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From obligation to consumption

Grace Davie (2013) argues that in today's late modern society, we are seeing a major change in religion away from obligation and towards consumption or choice. In the past churches such as the Church of England and the Catholic church could oblige

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From obligation to consumption (2)

people to go to church, to believe certain things and to behave in certain ways. This is no longer the case: religion is no longer inherited or imposed but a matter of personal choice.

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Believing without belonging

Davie argues that religion is not declining but simply taking a different, more privatised form. People are increasingly reluctant to belong to organisations, whether these are churches, political parties or trade unions. But despite this people

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Believing without belonging (2)

still hold religious beliefs- a situation that Davie calls believing without belonging.

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Vicarious religion: the spiritual health service

Davie also notes a trend towards 'vicarious religion'. By this she means religion practiced by an active minority on behalf of the great majority, who thus experience religion at second hand. This pattern is typical of Britain and Northern Europe

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Vicarious religion: the spiritual health service (2)

where despite low levels of attendance many people still identify with the churches. Davie argues that in Europe the major national churches are seen as public utilities or a sort of spiritual health service that like the NHS is there for everyone to

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Vicarious religion: the spiritual health service (3)

use whenever they need to. This includes using the churches for rites of passage such as baptisms, weddings and funerals, as well as for major national occasions like the public mourning over the death of Princess Diana in 1997.

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Vicarious religion: the spiritual health service (4)

Davie compares vicarious religion to the tip of an iceberg and sees it as evidence of believing without belonging. Beneath the surface of what appears to be only a small commitment lies a much wider commitment. Most people may not normally got to

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Vicarious religion: the spiritual health service (5)

church or pray but they remain attached to the church as an institution that provides ritual and support when needed and they continue to share at some level its beliefs. According to Davie secularisation theory assumes that modernisation affects

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Vicarious religion: the spiritual health service (6)

every society in the same way causing the decline of religion. Davie questions this assumption. Instead of a single version of modern society she argues that there are multiple modernities.

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Neither believing or belonging

Voas and Crockett (2005) do not accept Davie's claim that there is more believing than belonging. Evidence from 5,750 respondents shows that both church attendance and belief in God are declining together.

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Neither believing or belonging (2)

Bruce (2011) adds that if people are not willing to invest time in going to church this just reflects the declining strength of their beliefs. When people no longer believe they no longer wish to belong and so their involvement in religion diminishes

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Neither believing or belonging (3)

Census results show that 72% of people identified themselves as Christians which supports the believing without belonging view. However Abby Day (2007 found that very few Christians she interviewed mentioned God or Christianity.

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Neither believing or belonging (4)

Their reason for describing themselves as Christian was not religious, but simply a way of saying they belonged to a 'white English' ethnic group. As Day puts it they 'believe in belonging'.

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Spiritual shopping

Daniele Hervieu-Leger (2000;2006) continues the theme of personal choice and the decline of obligation. She agrees that there has been a dramatic decline in institutional religion in Europe with fewer people attending church in most countries.

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Spiritual shopping (2)

This is partly because of what she calls cultural amnesia, or a loss of collective memory. For centuries children used to be taught religion in the extended family and parish church. Nowadays however we have largely lost the religion that used to be

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Spiritual shopping (3)

handed down from generation to generation because few parents now teach their children about religion. Instead parents today let children decide for themselves what to believe. At the same time the trend towards greater social equality has undermined

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Spiritual shopping (4)

the traditional power of the Church to impose religion on people from above. As a result young people no longer have a fixed religious identity imposed on them through socialisation and they are ignorant of traditional religion.

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Spiritual shopping (5)

However while traditional institutional religion has declined, religion itself has not disappeared. Instead individual consumerism has replaced collective tradition. People today now feel they have a choice as consumers of religion-they have become

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Spiritual shopping (6)

spiritual shoppers. Religion is now individualised-we now develop our own 'do-it-yourself' beliefs that give meaning to our lives and fit in with our interests and aspirations. Religion thus become a personal spiritual journey in which we choose the

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Spiritual shopping (7)

elements we want to explore and the groups we wish to join. As a result Hervieu-Leger argues two new religious types are emerging- pilgrims and coverts.

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Spiritual shopping (8)

Pilgrims are like those in the holistic milieu in the Kendal project. They follow an individual path in a search for self-discovery for example exploring New Age spirituality by joining groups or through individuals 'therapy'.

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Spiritual shopping (9)

Converts join religious groups that offer a strong sense of belonging usually based on a shared ethnic background or religious doctrine. Such groups re-create a sense of community in a society that has many of its religious traditions.

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Spiritual shopping (10)

As a result of these trends religion no longer acts as the source of collective identity that it once did. However Hervieu-Leger notes that religion does continue to have some influence on society's values. For example the values of equality and

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Spiritual shopping (11)

human rights have their roots in religion, she argues. Such values can be a source of shared cultural identity and social solidarity even for those who are not actively involved in religion.

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Spiritual shopping (12)

Herview-Leger's views can be related to the idea of late modernity. This is the notion that in recent decades some of the trends within modern society have begun to accelerate such as the decline of tradition and increasing individualism.

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Postmodern religion

David Lyon (2000) agrees with Davie that believing without belonging is increasingly popular.He argues that traditional religion is giving way to a variety of new religious forms that demonstrate its continuing vigour. As a postmodernist he explains

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Postmodern religion (2)

this in terms of a shift in recent decades from modern to postmodern society. In Lyon's view postmodern society has a number of features that are changing the nature if religion. These include globalisation, the increased importance of the media.

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Globalisation, the media and religion

Globalisation refers to the growing interconnectedness of societies, which has led to greatly increased movements of ideas and beliefs across the national boundaries. This is due to the central role played in postmodern society by the media and

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Globalisation, the media and religion (2)

information technology which saturate us with images and messages from around the globe, compressing time and space to give us instantaneous access to the ideas and beliefs of previously remote places and religions.

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Globalisation, the media and religion (3)

Religious ideas have become disembedded- the media lift them out of physical churches and move them to a different place and time. For example the electronic church and televangelism disembed religion from real local churches and relocate it on the

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Globalisation, the media and religion (4)

internet allowing believers to express their faith without physically attending church-an example of how the boundaries between different areas of social life become blurred in postmodern society. As a result religion becomes de-institutionalised-

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Globalisation, the media and religion (5)

detached from its place in religious institutions, floating in cyber-space. Removed from their original location in the church, religious ideas become a cultural resource that individuals can adapt for their own purposes.

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Online religion and religion online

The internet thus creates a range of opportunities for religious organisations and individuals to exploit. Helland (2000) distinguishes between two kinds of internet activity, which he calls religion online and online religion.

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Online religion and religion online (2)

Religion online is a form of top-down communication where a religious organisation uses the internet to address members and potential converts. There is no feedback or dialogue between the parties. This is an electronic version of the traditional,

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Online religion and religion online (3)

hierarchical communication of churches to their members, communicating only the officially approved ideas.

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Online religion and religion online (4)

Online religion is a form of 'cyber-religion' that may have no existence outside the internet. It is a 'many-to-many' form of communication that allows individuals to create non-hierarchical relationships and a sense of community where they can

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Online religion and religion online (5)

visit virtual worship or meditation spaces, explore shared spiritual interests and provide mutual support. For example the Pagans studied by Cowan (2005) gained a sense of self-worth from feeling that they belonged to a global network.

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Online religion and religion online (6)

However while Postmodernists might see online religion as a radical new alternative that may be replacing religion, evidence from Hoover et al (2004) shows that for most users it is just a supplement to their church-based activities rather than a

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Online religion and religion online (7)

substitute for them.

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Religious consumerism

Postmodern society also involves the growth of consumerism and especially the idea that we now construct our identities through what we choose to consume. As Hervieu-Leger emphasises this is also true of religion where we act as 'spiritual shoppers'

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Religious consumerism (2)

choosing religious beliefs and practices to meet our individual needs, from the vast range available in the religious marketplace. We no longer have to sign up to any specific religious tradition: instead we can pick and mix elements of different

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Religious consumerism (3)

faiths to suit our tastes and make them part of our identity-until something more fashionable or attractive comes along. Similarly in Lyon's view, religion has relocated to the sphere of consumption. While people may have ceased to belong to

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Religious consumerism (4)

religious organisations while they have not abandoned religion. Instead they have become 'religious consumers' making conscious choices about which elements of religion they find useful. For example the American Christian fundamentalists in Nancy

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Religious consumerism (5)

Ammerman's (1987) study made use of a number of churches without giving strong loyalty to any of them. One family attended services at a Methodist church and bereavement counselling at a Baptist church, while taking their children to another church.

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Religious consumerism (6)

One effect of having a great variety of religious products to choose from is a loss of faith in 'meta-narratives'-theories or worldviews that claim to have the absolute, authoritative truth. These include the traditional religions.

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Religious consumerism (7)

People now have access to a wide range of different and contradictory religious beliefs. As Berger notes this weakens traditional religions that claim a monopoly of the truth and that try to oblige people to believe them. This is because exposure to

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Religious consumerism (8)

many competing versions of the truth makes people sceptical that any of them is really or wholly true. Thus previously dominant religious institutions such as traditional mainstream churches lose their authority and decline.

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Religious consumerism (9)

However postmodernists such as Lyon argue that the decline of traditional churches does not spell the end of religion. In their place he argues many new religious movements are now springing up that the religious consumer can sample and from which he

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Religious consumerism (10)

or she can construct their own personal belief system. In this view religion and spirituality are not disappearing: they are simply evolving, taking on new forms that fit the consumerist nature of postmodern society.

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Self-religions and the New Age

Many of the new forms of religion or spirituality that Lyon refers to are New Age beliefs and practices. New Age spirituality rejects the idea of obligation and obedience to external authority found in traditional religions. Instead it emphasises the

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Self-religions and the New Age (2)

idea of life as a journey of discovery, personal development, autonomy and connecting with one's inner-self.

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Self-religions and the New Age (3)

The key idea of linking all these features is individualism: the notion that every individual is free to decide what is true for him or her, for example by engaging in spiritual shopping, picking and mixing ideas found online.

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Re-enchantment of the world

Lyon criticises secularisation theory for assuming that religion is declining and being replaced by a rational, scientific worldview. Contrary to Weber's prediction of increasing rationisation and disenchantment of the world, Lyon argues that we are

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Re-enchantment of the world (2)

now in a period of re-enchantment with the growth of unconventional beliefs, practices and spirituality. Although traditional forms of religion have declined, especially in Europe Lyon points out to the growing vitality of non-traditional religion

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Re-enchantment of the world (3)

in the West and its resurgence elsewhere in the world.

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A spiritual revolution?

Some sociologists argue that a 'spiritual revolution' is taking place today in which traditional Christianity is giving way to 'holistic spirituality' or New Age spiritual beliefs and practices that emphasise personal development.

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A spiritual revolution? (2)

Increased interest in spirituality can be seen in the growth of a spiritual market with an explosion in the number of books about self-help and spirituality and the many practitioners who offer consultations, courses and therapies.

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A spiritual revolution? (3)

In their study of Kendal in Cumbria Paul Heelas and Linda Woodhead (2005) investigate whether traditional religion has declined and if so how far the growth of spirituality compensating for this. They distinguish between two groups;

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A spiritual revolution? (4)

the congregational domain of traditional and evangelical Christianity and the holistic milieu of spirituality and the New Age. They found that in 2000 in a typical week 7.9% of the population attended church and 1.6% took part in the activities.

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A spiritual revolution? (5)

However within the congregational domain the traditional churches were losing support while evangelical churches were holding their own and fairing relatively well. Although fewer were involved in the holistic milieu it was growing.

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A spiritual revolution? (6)

Heelas and Woodhouse offer an explanation for these trends. 1. New Age spirituality has grown because of a massive subjective turn in today's culture. This involves a shift away from the idea of doing your duty and obeying external authority.

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A spiritual revolution? (7)

2. As a result traditional religions which demand duty and obedience are declining. As Heelas and Woodhouse put it 'religion that tells you what to believe and how to behave is out of tune with a culture which believes it is up to us to seek answers

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A spiritual revolution? (8)

3. Evangelical churches are more successful than the traditional churches. They both demand discipline and duty but the evangelicals emphasise the importance of spiritual healing and personal growth through the experience of being 'born again'.

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A spiritual revolution? (9)

In the spiritual marketplace therefore the winners are those who appeal to personal experience as the only genuine source of meaning and fulfillment rather than the received teachings and commandments of traditional religion.

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The weakness of the New Age

Many of the sociologists argue that there is no general trend towards secularisation. In their view religion is not declining but rather changing its nature or form. However critics challenge this claim. For example Bruce makes the following points:

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The weakness of the New Age (2)

The problem of scale: Even if New Age forms of individualised religion are springing up this would have to be on a much larger scale if it is to fill the gap left by the decline of traditional institutionalised religions. For example in Kendal in

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The weakness of the New Age (3)

1851 about 38% of the population attended church ever Sunday. To match that today there would need to be 14,500 churchgoers instead of the 3,000 who actually attend church.

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The weakness of the New Age (4)

Socialisation of the next generation. For a belief system to survive it must be passed down to the next generation. However in Kendal only 32% of parents who were involved in the New Age said their children shared their spiritual interests.

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The weakness of the New Age (5)

Yet to maintain the same number of believers in the next generation, a typical couple with two children would have to socialise both of them into New Age views. Furthermore women in the holistic milieu are more likely to be childless. And in at least

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The weakness of the New Age (6)

three-quarters of marriages with a woman in the holistic milieu the husband does not share his wife's beliefs-further reducing the likelihood of transmitting them to their children.

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The weakness of the New Age (7)

Weak commitment. Glendenning and Bruce (2006) found that although many people dabbled in meditation, alternative medicine, astrology, horoscopes and serious commitment to New Age beliefs and practices was very rare. Even among those who described

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The weakness of the New Age (8)

themselves as spiritual very few said that such practices were important in their lives. Bruce (2011) notes that most people in every demographic category show no interest in alternative spirituality.

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The weakness of the New Age (9)

Structural weakness.New Age spirituality is itself a cause of secularisation because of its subjective, individualistic nature-it is based on the idea that there is no higher authority than the self. This means that unlike traditional religion the

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The weakness of the New Age (10)

New Age: lacks an external power to extract commitment from New Age participants against their wishes, cannot achieve consensus about its beliefs because everyone is free to believe whatever they wish so it lacks cohesion as a movement,

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The weakness of the New Age (11)

cannot evangelise because it believes that enlightenment comes from within not from someone else. These characteristics make the New Age structurally weak and unlikely to fill the gap left by the decline of traditional institutional religion.

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Religious market theory

The main advocates of religious market theory are Stark and Bainbridge (1986). They are very critical of secularisation theory which they see as eurocentric- it focuses on the decline of religion in Europe and it fails to explain its continuing

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Religious market theory (2)

vitality in America and elsewhere. In their view it also puts forward a distorted view of the past and future. Stark and Bainbridge argue that there was no golden age of religion in the past as they claim secularisation theory implies nor is it

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Religious market theory (3)

realistic to predict a future end-point for religion when everyone will be an atheist. Instead Stark and Bainbridge propose religious market theory. This theory is based on two assumptions:

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Religious market theory (4)

1 people are naturally religious and religion meets human needs. Therefore the overall demand for religion remains constant even though the demand for particular types of religion may vary. 2.It is human nature to seek rewards and avoid costs.

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Religious market theory (5)

When people make choices they weigh up the costs and benefits of the different options available.

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Compensators

According to Stark and Bainbridge religion is attractive because it provides us with compensators. When real rewards are scarce or unobtainable religion compensates by promising supernatural ones.

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Compensators (2)

The cycle of renewal. As an alternative to secularisation theory which sees a one-way process of continuous decline Stark and Bainbridge put forward the concept of a cycle of religious decline, revival and renewal. They describe a perpetual cycle

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Compensators (3)

throughout history with some religions declining and others growing and attracting new members. For example when established churches decline they leave a gap in the markets for sects and cults to attract new followers.

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Compensators (4)

Religious competition: According to Stark and Bainbridge churches operate like companies selling goods in a market. Where secularisation theory sees competition between different religious organisations as undermining religion, religious market

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Compensators (5)

theorists take the opposite view. They argue that competition leads to improvements in the quality of the religious goods on offer. The churches that make their product attractive will succeed in attracting more customers.

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America vs Europe

The demand for religion increases when there are different sorts to choose from because consumers can find one that meets their needs. By contrast where there is a religious monopoly- one church with no competition-it leads to decline.

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America vs Europe (2)

This is because with no competition a church has no incentive to provide people with what they want. Stark and Bainbridge believe that religion thrives in the USA because there has never been a religious monopoly there.

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America vs Europe (3)

The Constitution guarantees freedom of religion and the separation of church and state, and there has always been a great variety of denominations to choose from. This has encouraged the growth of a healthy religious market where religions grow or

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America vs Europe (4)

decline according to consumer demand. The situation in Europe is entirely different. Most European countries have been dominated by an official state church which had a religious monopoly such as the church of England. Competition has been held back

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America vs Europe (5)

and the lack of choice has led to decline. Supply not demand: Stark and Bainbridge conclude that the main factor influencing the level of religious participation is not the demand for religion as secularisation theory suggests but the supply.

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America vs Europe (6)

Participation increases when there is an ample supply of religious groups to choose from but declines when supply is restricted. Also based on their comparison of America and Europe Stark and Bainbridge argue that the decline of religion is not a

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America vs Europe (7)

universal trend happening in all societies, as some versions of secularisation theory suggest.

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Supply-led religion

A range of studies support Stark and Bainbridge's view that demand for religion is greatly influenced by the quality and variety of religion on offer and the extent to which it responds to people's needs. For example Hadden and Shupe (1988)

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Supply-led religion (2)

argue that the growth of televangelism in America shows that the level of religious participation is supply-led. When commercial funding of religious broadcasts began in the 1960s it opened up competition in which evangelical churches thrived.

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Supply-led religion (3)

As a commercial enterprise televangelism responded to consumer demand by preaching a prosperity gospel. Finke (1997) argues that the lifting of restrictions on Asian immigration into America in the 1960s allowed Asian religions such as Hare Krishna

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Supply-led religion (4)

and Transcendental Meditation to set up permanently in the USA, and Asian faiths became another option that proved popular with consumers in the religious marketplace. Another example is the growth of evangelical megachurches. Most are in the United

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Supply-led religion (5)

States but they are also found in South Korea. With such large congregations they have lavish resources and are able to offer a vast range of activities to meet the diverse needs of their members. Miller (1997) compares this them with hypermarkets.

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Supply-led religion (6)

According to Stark (1990) Japan is another society where a free market in religion has stimulated participation. Until 1945 Shintoism was the state religion and other religions were suppressed. However after World War Two religion was de-regulated

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Supply-led religion (7)

creating a market in which new religions such as Soka Gakkai have thrived. Japan's experience contrasts with that of post war Germany where religion was closely regulated by the state and as a result declined.

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Criticisms

Religious market theory is the approach adopted by most American sociologists of religion. It highlights the supply side of religion and consumer choice and can be useful for understanding the growth of new religions.

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Criticisms (2)

However there are several criticisms. 1. Bruce (2011) rejects the view that diversity and competition increase the demand for religion. Statistics show that diversity has been accompanied by religious decline in both Europe and America.

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Criticisms (3)

2. Bruce argues that Stark and Bainbridge misrepresent secularisation theory. The theory does not claim there was a past golden age of religion or that everyone will become atheists. It simply claims that religion is in long-term decline.

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Criticisms (4)

3.Norris and Inglehart (2011) show that high levels of religious participation exist in Catholic countries where the church has a near monopoly such as Ireland and Venezuela.

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Criticisms (5)

4. Beackford criticises religious market theory as unsociological because it assumes people are naturally religious and fails to explain why they make the choices they do.

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An alternative view: secularisation and security

Norris and Inglehart (2011) reject religious market theory on the grounds that it only applies to America and fails to explain the variations in religiosity between different societies. For example international studies of religion have found no

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An alternative view: secularisation and security (2)

evidence of the link between religious choice and religious participation that Stark and Bainbridge claim exists.

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Existential security theory

Norris and Inglehart argue that the reason for variations in religiosity between societies is not different degrees of religious choice, but different degrees of existential security. By this they mean 'the feeling that survival is secure enough

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Existential security theory (2)

that it can be taken for granted'. Religion meets a need for security and therefore societies where people already feel secure have a low level of demand for religion. Poor societies where people face life-threatening risks such as famine, disease

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Existential security theory (3)

environmental disasters, have high levels of insecurity and thus high levels of religiosity. Poor people who live in rich societies also face greater insecurity and are therefore more religious than rich people in those societies.

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Existential security theory (3)

Rich societies where people have a high standard of living and are at less risk have a greater sense of security and thus lower levels of religiosity. Thus the demand for religion is not constant as Stark and Bainbridge claim but varies both within

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Existential security theory (4)

and between societies. Demand is greatest from low-income groups and societies because they are less secure. This explains why poor developing countries remain religious while prosperous Western countries have become more secular.

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Existential security theory (5)

However Norris and Inglehart note that global population growth undermines the trend towards secularisation. Rich, secure, secular Western countries have low levels of population growth whereas poor, insecure, religious countries have high rates.

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Europe vs America

In Western Europe the trend is towards increasing secularisation. Norris and Inglehart argue that this is not surprising because these societies are among the most equal and secure in the world, with well developed welfare states offering

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Europe vs America (2)

comprehensive health care, social services and pensions. This reduces poverty and protects those at the bottom of insecurity. By comparison with Europe the United States remains much more religious. Norris and Inglehart argue that this is because

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Europe vs America (3)

America is also the most unequal of the rich societies with an inadequate welfare safety-net and individualistic 'dog eat dog' values. This creates high levels of poverty and insecurity which creates a greater need for religion. Thus although America

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Europe vs America (4)

is more religious than Europe this is explained by Norris and Inglehart's general theory of religiosity as the result of insecurity. For example they point out that although America is religious by the standards of other rich nations.

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State welfare and religiosity

Norris and Inglehart's argument is supported by Gill and Lundegarrde (2004) who found that the more a country spends on welfare, the lower the levels of religious participation. Thus European countries which spend more than the USA are more secular.

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State welfare and religiosity (2)

Gill and Lundegaarde note that in the past religion used to provide welfare for the poor and still does so in poorer countries. However from the 20th century the state in the West began to provide welfare and this contributed to religion's decline.

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State welfare and religiosity (3)

Nevertheless Gill and Lundegaarde do not expect religion to disappear completely because although welfare provision meets the need for security it does not answer the ultimate questions about the meaning of life unlike religion.

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State welfare and religiosity (4)

Thus although the availability of welfare reduces the need for religion it does not eliminate that need completely.

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Evaluation

Vasquez (2007) accepts that Norris and Inglehart offer a valuable explanation of different levels of religious participation not only in Europe and the USA but globally. However he makes two criticisms.

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Evaluation (2)

1. They use quantitative data about income levels; they don't examine people's own definitions of existential security. Vasquez argues that qualitative research is also needed.

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Evaluation (3)

Norris and Inglehart also see religion as a negative response to deprivation. They ignore the positive reasons people have for religious participation and the appeal that some types of religion have for the wealthy.

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Topic 4 Religion, renewal and choice

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